Federo? No thanks. Secession Please.

This topic contains 105 replies, has 19 voices, and was last updated by Mulongo Mulongo 10 years, 9 months ago.

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  • #23742
    Ndibassa
    Ndibassa
    Participant

    Ekirungi kiri nti Abaganda twekutula dda nga tusooka mu myooyo kati tubulako kulaga bikolwa , oli nebwanaava eri naleeta bamuliira bonna nabamalayo nabayindi nebajjuza amawulire gaabwe esaawa yagwaako dda era singa M7 asobola okwogera amazima yandibagambye nti byamusobera dda eka nemukibira ngojeeko nti bwebaba abeeru abalina byonna bakwaata owaabwe nebamugamba nti genda tetukyayagala , nekitakoma awo wokka nga kati buli muzzi wa misango batandise okumuleeta kinnomu okumuvunaana , naye kiki kyemulowooza oba kaddugala avaako oba bamukola kyonna kyebagala , kati takyabagasa nabo belwanako ku surving-a.

    Ekisinga okusesa kwekuba nti abo mu West reality etandise obakanulira amaaso bakiraba nti tewakyaali asobola kukuuma their looting ngogyeeko nti nobuddukiro tekyaali , Taylor bweyali adduka gyeyali agenda okwewogoma babagamba nti bwemumukweeka mujja kuba musazeewo fate yammwe ,bo bennyi bebabalagirira nti awetedde wano.

    Nolweekyo banaffe abo mu West bwebatandika okugamba munnabwe bwebalidde obwogerero ebbanga lino lyonna nti ali expired bagezaako kwetaasa kuba bamanyi nti byebakoledde mu Buganda bagenda birekawo bukumbu ,mulaalo mpale, kyo ekizimba bwekinayabika kijja kuba nasty kuba kigenda kusanga abantu abanyiivu abatalina mirimu , abayala ate bebajooze nokusenda ebbanga lino lyonna.

    #24543
    Mulongo
    Mulongo
    Participant

    Yeah, Mr. Lugemwa has a point here, that Museveni can only delay federo, not stop it. What worries some of us, is that he’s doing the same thing as Obote and Amin, who abolished it did. And we ended up with millions dead and so many years and lives going to waste. Can we afford going through that again?

    Monitor Opinions | July 22, 2009
    Museveni can only delay federo, not stop it
    F.N. Lugemwa

    Whenever elections were around the corner over the past 23 years, President Museveni and his friends at Mengo would engage in some secret meetings intended to resolve the federo question. Frankly, nothing fruitful has ever come out of those meetings.

    The reason for the ‘delay’ in delivering on federo is not that the federo question is all that complicated. Simply, President Museveni, by his own confession now, did not and does not want federo. Further, in order to negotiate and mutually resolve any issues, the negotiating parties must have a common starting point.

    In the case of Mengo and the President, there is no such position. Mengo loves federo, Mr Museveni hates it. Mr Museveni has knowingly been wasting Uganda’s time and resources on useless talks with Mengo for the past 23 years. That is trickery, not leadership.

    But people must be reminded that Mr Museveni does not own federo, and as such he cannot offer or deny it to anyone. Indeed, by arguing that “I cannot support any system that does not give power to the people”, the President hits the nail right on the head: power belongs to the people, and it is the people who should and will decide how they want to be governed.

    Through the Odoki Commission, the people spoke loud and clear about the system of governance of their choice. A whopping 90 per cent in Buganda and a substantial majority of 65 per cent in the entire country indicated that they would like to have a federal system of government.

    President Museveni has always reminded Ugandans that power belongs to them, why is he now trying to take that power away from them after they have expressed their preference for federo in such a convincing manner?
    The local media reported the President as saying: “We discovered that what the people wanted was decentralisation. I cannot support any system that does not give power to the people.”

    Let me remind the President that federalism gives more power to the people than decentralisation under a unitary government.
    So, if the President is serious about giving more power to the people, he should embrace federalism now and stop his delaying tactics. Decentralisation under federalism is far better than the current decentralisation where some powers are delegated to bankrupt districts.

    Section 69 of the 1995 Constitution on political systems states that (1) The people of Uganda have the right to choose and adopt a political system of their choice through free and fair elections or referenda. (2) The political systems referred to in clause (1) of this article shall include- a) The movement political system; (b) the multiparty political system; and (c) any other democratic and representative political system. Why is the President preventing Ugandans from using option or provision (c) above?

    Prospects for a democratic process in Uganda seem distant on revelation by the President that as the 10-Point Programme, a plan of action for the now ruling NRM, was being drafted, federalism was deliberately left out. “Some opportunists like Andrew Kayiira wanted us to include it but we refused,” he added. Is Kayiira reincarnated?
    President Museveni cannot stop federalism if the people of Uganda want it, he can only delay it. And Mr President, please leave Andrew Kayiira to rest in peace

    lugemwafn@yahoo.com

    #24547
    Musajjalumbwa
    Musajjalumbwa
    Participant

    Monitor Opinions July 23, 2009
    Why Museveni has not granted Buganda federo
    J.M. Kawuma Kaggwa

    While on WBS TV on July 12, President Museveni told the Baganda that he will not grant Buganda Kingdom a federal system of governance. He also said that future talks with Buganda will not centre on the ‘federo’ demands. The real Museveni has now spoken and the Baganda should know that they will never get ‘federo’ under his regime.

    We have been telling people that if President was to grant Baganda ‘federo’ he could have done it in July 1993 when Buganda Kingdom and the monarchay were restored and the Kabaka was installed King of Buganda at Buddo, Naggalabi. The other opportunity was in 1995 when we made the new Constitution. Another opportunity was in 2005 when there was a constitutional review and the Baganda demanded a federal system of governance through the Constitutional Review Commission chaired by Prof. Fredrick Sempebwa.

    Buganda’s demands were ignored and thrown away and instead a regional tier was entrenched in the Constitution on the orders of President Museveni. Why has President Museveni refused to allow federal government for Buganda? Today, I’m telling Ugandans why Mr Museveni has rejected the ‘federo’.

    There was Mwalimu Julius Nyerere – former Tanzanian President, who Museveni described as his political mentor. Nyerere was totally against the Baganda getting ‘federo’. I recall when I was still in Nairobi in 1994/95 and Justice Benjamin Odoki produced a report where he clearly showed that 97 per cent of the people in Buganda wanted federalism and 67 per cent of all Ugandans wanted a federal system. President Nyerere was reportedly upset by this recommendation. He paid a visit to Uganda in 1995 when Ugandans were in the final process of making the 1995 Constitution.

    Mr Museveni could not grant Buganda federal because if he did, he could not have free access to Buganda’s land as he does now and he could not have the opportunity to settle people from western Uganda on Buganda’s land the way he does now. He could not place his people in positions of power in government ministries and departments in Buganda the way he does now. Those are the reasons why Mr Museveni has not granted Buganda a federal government. He said any future talks with Baganda will be on the proposed Land Bill.

    However, President Museveni, or any future president, has the powers to organise a national conference of Uganda’s major 15 tribes as indicated in the 1962 Constitution. In a national conference each tribe can put on table their views on how they want to be governed – and they can choose a federal system of governance. They can create a federal constitution that grants each tribe (or some tribes getting together) a federal system of governance. Uganda can then be called a Nation of Federal States.

    Mr Kawuma-Kaggwa is an elder from Kyaggwe in Mukono District

    #24557
    Namukaabya
    Namukaabya
    Participant

    Buganda bwenekutula ejja kwefuga mu nfuga gyeyagalamu kati ye M7 oba alowooza nti nyina bweyajja nga muweese mumugongo gwe, naye yajja aweese federo agisigaze eyo gyasokoolayo yonna gyanagijja naye ffe kati tugenda, tetukyayagal kukolagana nabananfuusi abatalina kisa kyonna mu mibiri gyaabwengabaliwo kuyiwa musaayi gwabanaabwenakulera ngalo ngabablala babakolerera

    .Ate kati Abaganda kyemuba mumanya olwokuba kasente kagenze kagwaawo nga batandise kumagamaga biki Buganda byesigazza ba crooks bamuweemu busente obwamangu, attention kati M7 agisinza nomwaana omuto okugyagala kwekwogera buli kintu nga tewali nakulowooza mbu anyiize Abaganda, mukifo kyokufa kubanne bwebalidde ebintu byegwanga eddamba kiki ekibalinze kati obweralikirivu bubatta ngojeeko nti toyinza kwekunganyaako bantu bakutte mundu nga tolina kyobaliisa kyokka nga olina gwe abalondemu nga bo bebalina buli kamu bwebutuuka okugenda okuwakankula entalo ba nnammawe bosindika ababo bosigaza okumpi naawe bebayita obulungi ne family zaabwe.
    Singa Abaganda mu mu ignoring nga addamu okwogera ku bya federo kuba mwemumuwa ekyaanya ekyokwerowooza nti wawaggulu

    #24797
    Omumbejja
    Omumbejja
    Participant

    Would Baganda have fought along Museveni without Kabaka agenda?

    Written by Fred Guwedeko
    Wednesday, 12 August 2009 18:33

    Fred Guweddeko, an experience researcher, says ‘no’ in this article

    On Sunday, July 12, 2009, President Museveni appeared on WBS Television with three leading Uganda journalists, to correct issues he said were misrepresented in the press. However, I think that the corrections, which President Museveni made about Buganda, the NRM war and Mengo’s quest for a federal status, fell short of the truth and should be corrected.

    Buganda fighters

    President Museveni said that in the Luwero War (1981-1986), he fought with Baganda who he found around, but not with an organised Buganda fighting force.

    I wish to refer President Museveni to March 1980 when the UNLA Bombo Barracks Operations Commander, Major Ochelo-Nagai, discovered that the Baganda of Luwero District were using military training provided by the UNLA for the ‘Mayumba-Kumi’ Home Guards to create a private army.

    Instead of 120 trainees, the Baganda sent 480 for the ‘Mayumba-Kumi’ Home Guards training and were providing food and giving money to the UNLA instructors.

    When the military training reached the gun practice stage, the enthusiasm was higher and the number of Baganda trainees increased to over 600. Major Ochelo-Nagai, who under the disguise of ‘Mayumba-Kumi’ Home Guards was also training a private army of Acholi youths at Lokung Sub-county headquarters in Kitgum District, was suspicious of [the enthusiasm exhibited by] the Baganda trainees.

    Some arrests of Baganda military trainees and their sponsors were made, but the overthrow of the then President Binaisa and transfer of Major Ochelo-Nagai to become Commanding Officer of the UNLA 9th Battalion interrupted the destruction of this nascent Buganda force.

    Ochelo-Nagai actually released the prisoners, telling his replacement Captain Otim, that the Baganda are too weak to fight. One of the UNLA trainers (name withheld) of these Baganda ‘Mayumba-Kumi’ Home Guards was by the year 2000, when I last saw him, a Lieutenant Colonel in the UPDF.

    I am reminding President Museveni that he was Minister of Defence at the time, and that ethnic groups; Acholi, Langi, Iteso, the Acholi-speaking Karamoja, and Baganda were creating private armies disguised as ‘Mayumba-Kumi’ Home Guards.

    It is therefore not true that there was no Baganda army that united to form NRM/A.
    When the Military Commission prevented Prof. Yusuf Lule from returning to Uganda to contest on the DP ticket in the December 1980 elections, the reason given was that he should renounce his connection to a military rebel group.

    The team led by Prof. Senteza-Kajubi, which prepared the failed return of Prof. Lule, will attest to this demand, proving the existence of a Baganda monarchy force. President Museveni is also reminded that this same Baganda group caused insecurity from June 1980, to prevent the December 1980 elections taking place.

    Mr. Museveni, as the UPM candidate, held at least one confirmed meeting with this group at a place about 10 miles on Bombo Road.
    The Baganda monarchists wanted to prevent the elections while Museveni advised that Obote and UPC should be allowed to “shoot themselves in the foot” by staging and rigging elections.

    President Museveni should also remember that one of the issues discussed during the first meeting in February/March 1981 to unite with the Baganda group to form the NRM/A, was the number of fighters the Baganda had, and those Museveni claimed would join the war.

    Each group claimed a certain number of fighters. More than two of the Baganda who attended this meeting are still alive.
    What is important to note is that there was definitely a Buganda federal and monarchist fighting group under Prof. Lule even before the December 1980 elections.

    #24798
    Omumbejja
    Omumbejja
    Participant

    Buganda in NRM

    During the same WBS TV programme, President Museveni denied the presence of Buganda in constituting the NRM/A. The President should then explain how initially the top NRM/A structures came to be shared between his own group and the Baganda group.

    The NRM/A had three structures: Political Wing (NRM), Military High Command, and the Army.
    The leader of the NRM was from Buganda, and was Prof. Lule, while the Vice was from Museveni’s group but the post remained vacant.

    The leader of the NRA High Command was from the Museveni’s group, and it was President Museveni, while the Vice was from the Buganda group and it was Nekemeya Mutebi. The NRA High Command had eight people, four Baganda and four from the Museveni group.

    The Commander of the NRA was from the Baganda group, and it was Ahmed Seguya, while the Deputy was from the Museveni’s group and it was Magara.
    Can the President explain how the Baganda monarchist and federalist group managed to get the top most post of NRM Chairman and half of the all top posts in the NRM/A?

    There were several occasions in 1981-82 when President Museveni had to handle complaints and conflicts among the NRA troops arising from this ethnic division of top posts. It is not necessary to cite all or any of them, we only need to know whether it is true that the Baganda monarchists and federalists constituted half of the top leadership as part of the formation of the NRM/A

    Buganda in NRM

    President Museveni said that there was no agreement about Buganda’s federal status in the cause of the NRM Luwero war. Citing what was discussed between the ‘Museveni’ and the ‘Prof. Lule’ rebel groups about Buganda monarchy and federalism at [their] meetings is difficult because each of the key meetings leading to the union which became NRM, lasted more than one day.

    However, the internal version of the NRM Ten Point Programme has some good evidence. I have to emphasise “internal” because what all Ugandans know about is the external version called the NRM Ten Point programme.

    The Baganda in NRM/A were fighting to oust UPC republicans and to ‘Redress’ the 1966 destruction of their kingdom and federal system, thus the NRM goal of ‘redressing errors’.

    However, the ‘errors’ to be ‘Redressed’ as per the external version called the NRM Ten Point programme are; (i) Displaced landless Ugandans (ii) Karamoja suffering, and (iii) Inflation effect on fixed salary earners. This was a ‘window dressing’ version.

    The real three errors to be redressed were; (i) Error of destroying kingdoms and federalism, (ii) Error of policy on Rwanda Tutsi refugees, and (iii) Error of expropriating foreign investments and expelling foreigners in 1972 by Idi Amin.

    #24799
    Omumbejja
    Omumbejja
    Participant


    COSMETIC AGENDA

    The external version of the NRM Ten Point programme regarding ‘Redressing Errors’ of displaced people, Karamoja and civil servants was merely cosmetic.
    It is common sense that the people of Luwero Triangle could not fight because civil servants’ salaries were eroded by inflation, or because a village in Karamoja had no water!

    In any case, the then civil servants and Karamoja MPs were UPC!
    On the internal version of the NRM Ten Point programme about ‘Redressing Errors’, it was deemed unwise to publish the issues. Publicising that the war was about returning the Buganda monarchy and federalism would excite local, Africa and international opposition to the war because the enemies of federalism and ethnic nationalism were many and strong.

    However, everybody knows that the monarchy part of this agenda has been indeed ‘Redressed”.
    Also, to publicise that the NRM war was about resolving the mishandled problem of the Rwanda refugees in Uganda would have worked in favour of Obote and UPC.

    The solution was for the NRM not to be open about the Rwanda Tutsi refugee objective of the war. Everybody now knows that the NRM ‘Redressed’ this error by supporting their return to Rwanda.

    The point about ‘Redressing’ the error of expropriating foreign investments and expelling foreigners in 1972 by Idi Amin could not be made public either. This Amin-led ‘Economic War’ policy, was and still is, very popular among many Ugandans.

    Publicising this point would have drawn opposition to NRM across Uganda. Indeed at the end of the war in 1986, this issue was also “Redressed”, even disregarding earlier compensation in some cases.

    Obote and UPC

    According to their response, Obote and the UPC Government were aware that the NRM Luwero war was about these three objectives. On the Baganda objective, the decision was to completely crush them using the military.

    On the Rwanda Tutsi refugees in the NRM war, the UPC response was to expel from Uganda all their relatives. On the expropriated foreign investments and properties, the UPC Government passed the 1982 Expropriated Properties Act to reverse the policy, but could not implement it because, like the NRM, they feared its unpopularity.

    #24800
    Omumbejja
    Omumbejja
    Participant


    Kabaka and Buganda

    President Museveni also said during the same WBS TV programme that he met Kabaka Mutebi in London in 1983. The President implied that this was the involvement of Kabaka Mutebi in the NRM/A war.

    The import of this message was that Kabaka Mutebi has no basis of claiming federalism from President Museveni and NRM.

    President Museveni was correct on this because Kabaka Mutebi was not part of the Buganda monarchist and federalist group which constituted the NRM/A, and thus not part of the NRM/A war.
    In fact, the agenda of the Buganda monarchist and federalist group under Prof. Y. K. Lule was to remove the Kabakaship from the line of Sekabaka Mutesa. Their agenda was a new federal Buganda Kingdom with a Kabaka from one of the sons of the late Prince Mawanda.

    After NRM took power in 1986, Baganda traditionalists who were not part of the original Prof. Lule group rushed with Prince Mutebi to restore the kingdom. The original group joined with the Government to stop these enthusiasts, delayed the installation and sent “Prince” Mutebi back to exile.

    The arrangement announced by Dr. Samson Kisseka of the original Prof. Lule group, was that the real Buganda Kingdom and federalism will be received after the war is totally won, and through the planned constitution making process. This was after talks with President Museveni.

    NEW CONSTITUTION

    The planned constitution making process started in 1992. The original Prof. Lule group now under Samson Kisseka, who was also Internal Affairs Minister, mobilised public rallies. The rallies were stopped and the federalism and Kabaka agenda relegated.

    The Lule group under Vice President Samson Kisseka was eventually expelled from the NRM cabinet. Prominent Baganda, not part of the ‘Bush War’ group, headed by Prof. Apolo Nsibambi, assumed leadership and diverted the monarchy and federal agenda to the ‘Agha Khan’ type.

    The Buganda ‘Bush War’ agenda was thus deliberately reduced to a Kabaka without the Kingdom and federal system. This was when “Prince” Mutebi was crowned. A Katikiro of Buganda who was not connected to the ‘Bush War’ agenda was also installed.

    #24801
    Omumbejja
    Omumbejja
    Participant


    Mengo and Ebyaffe

    Clearly, President Museveni has encouraged Kabaka Mutebi and the current Mengo group to fill the place of the bona-fide Prof. Lule ‘Bush War’ NRM/A group in the re-established ‘Buganda’. They are invited to negotiate for the ‘Ebyaffe’ to which they have no reference.

    They are encouraged to claim that they are the ones who fought the NRM/A war for Buganda. Some or most of the current Mengo group were or are in DP, which was opposed to the Luwero War and was working with UPC as the true Buganda monarchists and federalists were sleeping with mosquitoes.

    What type of ‘Ebyaffe’ is the current Mengo group negotiating with President Museveni? Is it what the colonialists took in 1894 and 1900? What Obote and UPC grabbed in 1966? What is promised in the 1995 Uganda Constitution?

    Or what the Prof. Lule group fought for and won with President Museveni?
    They do not know because President Museveni encouraged them to change Buganda NRM/A history from what was fought for to what is negotiated for.

    What discussions?

    The truth, which President Museveni should have considered, is that the NRM/A victory meant automatic ‘Redress’ of Buganda federalism, Rwanda Tutsi refugees, and the expropriated properties.

    Yet unlike in the case of Buganda, the Rwanda Tutsi refugees and the expropriated foreign economic interests got their due in excess and without any manipulations, negotiations and shortchanging.
    The Baganda should either get their due, with the support of President Museveni or count their losses, size up their new enemies and wait for another chance to make a go for their kingdom and federal status.

    The author is a freelance researcher.

    #24841
    Omumbejja
    Omumbejja
    Participant

    Kati buli omu bwamaze okuzuula ekyobugagga kyalina ewuwe nga alaba talaba nsonga lwaaki ateekwa okukigabana negwanga lyonna eddala, nandibadde nokukizuula sente ezakinonyerezaako tezaava mu kitundu kye kyokka , songa ebbanga lino lyonna sente ezibadde zimubezaawo zibadde teziva wawe wokka or better yet nga teziva wawe at all.

    Kati kyekiseera kyayagala ebibye abirye yenabantu be bwebafanagana mu kitundu kyaabwe teri kuwaako banakeera ku senga oba banakyadde nesisibula . Kyokka nga bantu bebamu ababadde Bawakanya Buganda ebbanga lino lyonna nge gamba nti buli muntu yandibadde nobuvunanyizibwa kukitundu kye era bwaaba nga lina kyakolera ewuwe oba kyalinayo abantu be bebaba basooka okulowozebwaako nga abalala bonna tebanakigabana .

    Kino buli omu yakisambajja era Abaganda babavuma buli kivumo kyonna kyewali owulidde songa baali tebabagambye nti bagenda kujja waabwe babibajjeko, naye kati wano jjo lyabalamu buli omu atandise okwetega ngabaddamu ebigambo Abaganda byebabagamba luli nga babangoola .

    Kubanga okuva ku Obote, bwaali bukyaayi bwokka bwebubadde busomesebwa amawanga amalala eri Abaganda,Temwetaaga nakujjayo galubindi zammwe kulaba nti abatusizza mwenna kukubonabona kwemulimu nokufa okutaggwa si Muganda era singa si nsonyikuba nti kati zibali nkoto, temwandyeyise na mu Buganda mwenna abasomesebwa nti Abaganda bebabi, era bebalabe bammwe kuba mwenna mwegazanyirizaamu, temwagala wadde kuwulira abagamba nti mudeeyo nammwe mwerwaneko mubeeko kemukola ewammwe.

    Kati nno Katonda kino yakitegese oba munasigala mu buyumba buyingiya poole bwemuyiye buli wali ntobazzi oba mujja kuddamu amagezi mudde ewammwe mulwanirire ebyobugagga byammwe nga byonna M7 tanabisibako sengenge nakwetolozaawo balaalo be.

    #25701
    Namukaabya
    Namukaabya
    Participant

    Mmengo Official Censures Tough Paper On Federo From Buganda Conference

    Posted on 20 December 2009

    An irate USA based muganda requested us to publish his paper on Federo, which he claims was censored by a Mmengo official whom he trusted to pass the document to the Buganda Conference organizer, Owek. Apollo Makubuya. Mr. Sam Galiwango claims that his schoolmate, who is now a Buganda government official, promised to pass the Luganda paper on to the organizers and ask them to respond to the author with more details about presenting at the Buganda Conference on December 17, 2009.

    Mr. Galiwango’s email says: “My schoolmate and long term friend is now one of Kabaka’s ‘bakungu’. He lied to me that he had passed my paper to Owekitiibwa Makubuya and that I should wait for the official invitation to Buganda Conference. As time passed, I started to call my friend because I wanted to make travel arrangements to go to Buganda Conference but he would never pickup. By December 7th, I was so frustrated that I called a mutual friend in Kampala to find out if he knew anything. That is when I found out the painful truth. Apparently, my schoolmate and friend, whom I have trusted for nearly 40 years, trashed my paper on Federo and then started telling people that I was writing terrorist propaganda against Buganda. Can you imagine?”

    The betrayed Muganda did not reveal the identity of the Mmengo official who double-crossed him. However, he requested us to print the paper, in the hope that many Baganda would still get a chance to read about his ideas this way. He concluded: “I think my friend is now more concerned about his stomach. As you will see when you read my paper, my message is simply that the ‘Federo’ slogan is a smoke screen – Federo cannot help Buganda. The only way is to go for what Buganda knew for 800 years – independence. Clearly, my friend has lost his loyalty to Buganda and I have lost the trust I had in him all these years. Please help me to publish my paper, so that his bad motives can be defeated.”

    Mr. Galiwango’s paper (in Luganda) below:

    Federo Tesobola Kuleeta Mazima na Bwenkanya Mu Nfuga Ya Buganda
    By Samwiri Galiwango

    Pa, USA

    Enyanjula

    Ssabasajja yayima mu Lubiri lwe e Mmengo omwaka guno 2009, nga avudde mu kulambula essaza lye erye Buvuma, nategeeza Obuganda nti, waliwo enfuga ez’ewulo nga Federo ne Regional Tier ezogelwaako, naye ekikulu kiri nti “ffe kyetwagaala ge mazima n’obwenkanya” mu ngeri abantu ba Buganda gyebafugibwaamu. Ebigambo bya Ssabasajja bino yabikusikamu amagezi mangi nnyo era byetaaga kunyonyola, kubanga n’abakungu be abamu balabika tebabitegeera.

    Oluvanyuma lw’okunyonyereza n’okwebuuza mu bakugu mu byafaayo (history), eby’obufuzi (politics) n’eby’okulowooza (philosophy) abenjawulo tukakasa nti, ebigambo empewo za ba Jjajja ffe zebyateeka mu birowoozo bya Ssabalongo bitegeeza kimu: Abaganda tulina obutemalira nnyo ku ngombo (slogans) nga Federo, Regional Tier, n’ebilara ng’ebyo. Twesibe ku kinyusi kya “mazima n’abwenkanya.”

    Naye manya nti mu byafaayo by’abantu bonna (human history), teri bantu bali bafunye mazima na bwenkanya (truth and justice) nga tebalina ddembe (freedom) ate era teli ggwanga lyaali lifunye ddembe tuufu nga lisabye ssabe. Mu ngeri eyo, ba Jjaja ffe abalwaana ennyo okuzimba Buganda kirabika baayita mu Kabaka wafe Mutebi buterevu okutulabula nti Obuganda bujja kugwaawo okujjako nga ffe abaliwo kati twetegese okulwanirira eddembe lyaffe ery’omugundu, erinatutuusa ku mazima n’obwenkaya byetweetaaga.

    Tusinziira ku nsonga ezo wagulu okwebuuza nti, ddala Federo (federal system) kye ki? Era esobola okuyamba Buganda mu mbeera eriwo kati mu Uganda? Ye Federo ensabe obusabi esobola okuwa Abaganda eddembe erinatutuusa ku mazima n’obwenkanya mu ngeri gyetufugibwaamu Kabaka waffe byayogerako? Tuddamu n’okumelengula ebibuuzo bino mu lupapula luno.

    Federo Kye Ki?

    Federo (federal system of government) ekolebwa amawanga oba ebitundu ebyenjawulo (states), nga birina ensonga enkulu ezibigatta, nebitta omukago okwekolamu ensi emu n’okuteekawo gavumenti eyawakati, obuyinza obumu ne budda wakati ate obulala nebusigala mu mu gavumenti ezebitundu. Ebyafaayo by’eby’obufuzi mu nsi ezenjawulo (world political history) biraga nti emisingi egikola Federo enyweevu mubaamu okufanya olulimi, eby’obuwangwa ebifanagana, okufananya empisa, ebitundu okufananya obutonde, okufananya eddiini, okubeera mu ssa erimu ery’ebyenfuna n’obuyigirize. Oluusi, n’okubeera n’ebizibu oba abalabe ebifaanana kiyinza okuyamba Federo. Mu bimpimpi, Federo eba nga omukwaano ogutandikira mu kuss’ekimu, gegusajjuka era ne gufuuka omukago.

    Obubonero Obulaga Nti Federo Tejja Kukola

    Waliwo obubonero obw’enkukunala obuyinza okulaga oyo aba ataddeyo omwooyo nti embeera eriwo tesobola kukiriza Federo kumalako. Ebyafaayo by’ebyobufuzi biraga nti Federo ezisinga okulema z’eezo ezitandika nga mu begatta mulimu abakakibwa. Anti guba nga mukwaano mukake era oyo akakibwa bitera okuggwa nga aliko obuvune, awamu n’obusungu. Federo ezisinga okuba ez’etututumu mu kubonyabonya abantu n’okuyiwa omusaayi omungi ennyo mwemuli eya Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Nigeria, East and West Pakistan, awamu n’eya Uganda eya 1962.

    Ebyokulabirako Bya Federo Eza Nnamaddala

    Federo ezimanyiddwa enkukutivu mu nsi yonna mwemuli eya Girimani (Germany), eya America (USA), eya Canada, eya Switzerland awamu ne ya Buyindi (India). Wewaawo muzino zonna, waliwo enjawulo mu bitundu ebizikola, olusi ziri mu diini, obuwangwa, enimi, n’obugagga. Ekikulu kwekuba nti enjawukana zino si zamanyi kimala okulemesa ebibagatta. Oja kusanga Federo zino enzigumivu nga zirina enfuga eya democracy, era teziguminkiriza ba nakyemalira (dictators). Mu zonna, gavumenti eyawakati yekola ku by’okwerinda kw’ensi, ensonga z’amamawanga ag’ebweeru, emisango ejiyingiramu state ebiri oba okusingawo n’ensonga endala enkulu nga zikwaata ku state ebiri oba okusingawo. Obuyinza obukola ku nsonga ez’omunda mu ku buli kitundu, busigala mu bitundu (states). Muno mubaamu poliisi (police), emisango egiteyingizaamu state ndala, ebyenjigiriza (education), eby’obulamu (health), eby’ettaka, (land administration), n’ebirala.

    Ekyokuyigirako Kya Federo Ayagwa: Soviet Union
    Mu Soviet Union, aba Communist bakakaka amawanga (states) nga Estonia, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Lithuania, Latvia n’amalala okubeera mu Federo ey’empaka nga abantu baago tebeyagaridde. Baatekawo enkola eya Communist Movement nga mu Uganda bwemuliimu NRM, era nga emirimu emirungi ne contract za business enene okubifuna olina kubeera wa Movement. Naye olw’okuba nti enjawulo mu butonde, ediini, obuwangwa, amadiini n’ebikula by’abantu mu mawanga gano byaali byamaanyi nnyo, Soviet Union yatagulukuka. Gavumenti yawakati okuwalana n’okusosola mu mawanga, n’okunyaga ettaka n’obugagga bw’ebitundu ebokakibwa byafuuka namuginga eyasuula Federo eno nga ekyali nto ddala.

    Ekyokuyigirako Kya Federo Efungamye: Nigeria
    Nigeria ekyaali Federo ne leero naye nga ekeesa lukya nga nkoko ya mutamivu. Abangereza baakaka amawanga agatakwatagana okwegatta okukola Nigeria okuva nga October 1960. N’okutusa leero entaalo ezaava mu kukakibwa kuno zikyayinda. Olutalo lwa Biafra ng’egezaako okwekutula ku Nigeria mu 1966-1967 lwafiramu nkumi na nkumi naye ne lero bikumi ebifa buli mwaaka nga aba Igbo bakyagezaako okulwanyiisa amagye ga gavumenti eyawakati olw’okubalyazaamanya n’okubasosola.

    Ate waliwo entalo ez’edini nkumu kubanga mu mambuka ga Nigeria esingayo Basiramu ate mu maserengeta n’ebayo ba Bakulisitaayo n’abasamize. State za Nigeria ezimu zifugirwa mu mateeka ga busiramu aga Sharia, ate nga mu ndala atanywa mwenge bewuunya ekimuguddeko.

    Enjawukana mu nimi, eby’enfuna, obuwangwa bya maanyi nnyo era Abanigeria abamu omuntu gwebasinga okutiira ddala kunsi ye Munigerai munaabwe. Mu ngeri y’emu Abanigeria bangi ekintu kyebasinga okunyagisa essanyu eringi ze sente z’omuwi w’omusolo Omunigeria. Ekidirira kwekubba obululu awamu n’okukola empapula ne sente eby’ebichupuli

    Ebyaafayo Bya Federo Mu Uganda

    Federo ya Uganda eya 1962 y’emu kuzaali zisinze okutandikibwa ku musingi omunafu ennyo. Ekisooka, abegatta okukola Federo bali balina enjawulo mpitirivu obungi. Buganda, Bunyoro, Tooro ne Ankole gali mawanga agetongodde ate nga gayimiridde ku missing gy’obwakabaka. Buganda ne Bunyoro zali zibaddewo okumala emyaaka egissuka 800 buli limu. Abantu baago nga balina ekikula kya Bantu group era nga bogera enimi ezifanana. Abakiga bali bamaze byaasa nga tebafugibwa Kabaka wamanyi. Abasoga, nabo bali mu kikula kya Bantu group, bali bafugibwa baami abanafu ddala era y’ensonga lwaki Kyabazinga wa Busoga eyasooka yali Muganda, Semei Kakakungulu. Abagisu n’Abasamya nabo bali mu Bantu group naye nga tebaalina bwakabaka era nga bafugibwa baami ba byaalo.

    Abakaramoja bo balinga Abamasayi be Kenya. Federo ya Uganda weyatandikira nga Abakaramoja bali mu kwediima kubanga gavument eya wakati yali ebagaana okugenda mu kibuga e Moroto nga bali bukunya era n’okunyaga abakazi awamu n’ente mu ntalo zaabwe n’Abatulukana be Kenya ezabuuli mwaaka. Abakaramojja okuyita obwerere ate nga bo Abaganda tebalya nga tebanaabye mu ngalo y’emu ku nsonga omugenzi Michael Kintu, eyali Katikiiro mu 1960, zeyawa lwaaki Buganda yalina okugaana okuyingira mu Uganda era esigaale gwanga ery’etadde. Yagamba nti, wakiri obwa Katikkiro okumusuba naye yali tasobola kuwagira Federo egatta abantu abataliko kakwaate kona mu butonde, okujjako okuba nti ffena Abazungu batufugako.

    Wadde abantu ba Uganda abasigaddewo baali bagunjufu okusingako katono ku Bbakaramoja, naye era Buganda teyabalinaako kakwaate ka butonde kona. Abacooli, Abalango, Abalugwaala, Abateeso, Abajaphadola (abamannya gatandika be ‘O’) tebalina kintu kibakwaaganya na Buganda mu butonde. Era y’ensonga lwaaki buli Uganda lwebadde n’abavuzi abava engulu abantu bano balaze obukambwe bungi nnyo eri Abaganda.

    Okuwunzika, Federo ya Uganda eya 1962 yali tesobola kukola kubanga teyalina wadde ekisanyizo ekimu kw’ebyo byetulaba mu nsi nga India, America, Canada oba Switzerland. Yali yakukaka Baganda okwegatta n’abantu abatali bagunjufu ate nga baavu. Era kyeyava esatulukuka my myaaka nga esatu gyokka Banamawanga nebatutwaala mu buddu n’obuwambe mwetufugirwa nakati. Okuva mu 1962 tewali kintu kya nsonga Buganda kyeyali efunye okuva mu Uganda. Kwekugamba, Federo ya 1962 Buganda yagitwaala mu mbeera ya kunyagibwa na kunyigibwa.

    Buganda Teyeetaaga Federo Mu Uganda Ya Leero
    Kirina okujjukirwa nti mu 1960-1961, omulamwa gwa Buganda gwaali kwefuga nga ensi eyotongodde era n’entekateeka zali zitandise okugulawo ebitebe eb’yebweeru (embassies) mu London, Washington DC, Cairo n’awalala. Ekyalemesa be bakungu ba Buganda abamu, naddala mu Mmengo, abataatunula wala nebanyigiriza nti “nyama ntono, okayana ekuli mu nkwaawa” (compromise). Bazukulu babamu kubakungu abo kati balya mu kasasiro wa Banamawanga.

    Mu mbeera eriwo kati mu Buganda ne Uganda, kyelaga kyokka nti Federo Buganda gyeyinza okufuna leero ate eba mbi nnyo okusinga n’eya 1962. Anti kati Mmengo Federo gyenoonya ya kumala kwegayirira balabe baffe nga Abanyoro, Abacooli, Abalaalo n’Abakiga bakirize okugituwa.

    Ebitabo ebitukuvu bitugamba nti, “Abamu balina amaaso naye tebalaba, balina amatu naye tebawulira.” Naye ffe tulowooza nti kiri mumusana nti Banamawanga bonna mu Uganda, mpozzi okujjako Abatoro, tebagala Buganda kubeera ya maanyi. Amazima gali nti kuba kwelimba na butitiizi okugamba abaana n’abazukulu baffe nti Buganda esobola okufuna Federo eyeyagaza mu Uganda ya leero, nga tuyita mu kusomesa (“okwegayirira”) Banamawanga abatuwalana. Mu byafaayo, Kabaka waffe amazima n’obwenkanya bye yatukutiira tewali bantu bali babituuseko nga bayita mu kusomesa na kwegayirira abalabe baabwe.

    Olwo Tukole Ki?

    Tumaze okwanjula bwiino n’ensonga lwaaki Federo tesobola kukola mu Uganda. Federo ya 1962 yali nnungiko kubanga Buganda teyayita mu kwegayirira okugifuna. Ate Banamawana bali tabanaba kunyaga bintu bya Buganda nga mailo 9,000, ettaka ly’embuga, ebibira awamu n’ebizimbe. Embeera eriwo kati mbi nnyo kubanga ne Katikkiro wa Buganda musuubuzi era nga ebyenfuna ye byesigamye ku mirimu gya kuzimbira gavumenti eyawakati. Bwegutyo, ne ba minisita mu Government ya ssabasajja abasukka 50% nabo basubuuzi oba bana byabufuzi by Uganda. Ekirala kiri nti Federo ya 1962 teyatesebwaako mu nkukutu. Naye kati Mmengo yakifuula muze okuteesa n’abalabe ba Buganda mu nkukutu nebakomawo kututegeeza butegeeza ebyavuddeyo.

    Kyetuva tuwunzika nga tugamba nti, okusookera ddala, Katikkiro wa Buganda asaana yetondere Ssabasajja n’Obuganda bwonna olw’okulemwa okutukiriza emirimu gye era n’obutabuulira Ssabasajja mazima nti mu mbeera eno eriwo, Buganda tesobola kufuna Federo ya nnamaddala. Ekiddilira, abakungu be Mmengo batandike okubuliira Ssabasajja n’abantu ba Buganda amazima ku nsonga ya Federo. Nga mukadde wange omu abeera e New York bweyanyinnyola emabegako, Buganda yali nsi eyetadde (independent nation) okumala emyaaka nga 800 n’okusoba. Federo ya Buganda yaliwo emyaaka egitawera 4, okuva mu October 1962 okutuuka mu May 1966, era neefa. Okuva mu 1966, emyaaka 43, Buganda efugirwa mu buwambe na kunyagwa (occupation).

    Ekubo etuufu Buganda lyesaana okukwaata kwekuddayo kunfuga yaffe eyatukolera okumala emyaaka egisukka mu 800. Nga Katikkiro n’abakungu be Mmengo ababadde bawabya Obuganda ne Kabaka waffe nti Federo ey’okulupapula (theoretical) nnungi bamaze okwetonda, ekiddilira kwe kusomesa abantu ba Buganda nti tuli mu buwambe (occupation) okutandika embagirawo. Ekyo kiddirirwe okuyigiriza abantu baffe obukodyo bw’okulwaanirira okwejja mu buwambe.

    #25755
    Kulabako
    Kulabako
    Participant

    Is Buganda’s call for secession feasible?

    1261845275zulu.jpg

    There were riots in different parts of the country after the Kabaka was denied entry to Kayunga

    The Buganda Question

    BUGANDA’S power and status struggles don’t seem to ever come to an end. Joshua Kato traces the roots of Buganda’s secession talks and asks an important question, who will be Buganda’s ally this time?

    Museveni has always said if a jigger is in the foot the best solution is to remove it. Some people in my constituency have suggested that if the Government has failed to adhere to democratic rules, we should fight and overthrow it,” Makindye East MP Haji Hussein Kyanjo argued during the Buganda conference on December 17. The following day The New Vision headline read: “Kyanjo sounding the war drums.”

    His predecessor, Yusufu Nsubuga Nsambu, for the many years he represented the constituency, also sounded war drums occasionally. Either the people there want to hear them (war drums) or they want war.

    Nsambu has repeatedly sung the song of Buganda’s secession for nearly the whole of his political life. “If they can’t give us all our things, let us separate from Uganda,” he proposed at the height of the central government and Mengo stand-off in September. This was after the Government irked Buganda by blocking the Kabaka from visiting one of his counties in Kayunga District.

    In a way, both Kyanjo and Nsambu think Buganda can no longer fit in Uganda, hence the calls for succession. And probably what Kyanjo is saying is that Buganda should fight and become independent in order to be free from the injustices brought on it by the rest of the Ugandans. Or at least, be granted a semi-autonomous status within Uganda to insulate itself from the influences of other cultures and the Government.

    Buganda’s crave for a special status couched today as federo, is a hereditary clarion call for being distinct? It is passed on from one generation to another. Previously, not much attention was paid to it but as militant voices pick the campaign, the rest of Uganda gets concerned.

    Consequently, Kyanjo’s and Nsambu’s gospel is creating a gulf between Buganda and the rest of Uganda. A Muganda following the political history of Uganda and Buganda points out: “The dislike of by other Ugandans increases whenever the word ‘war’ is used threateningly by Kyanjo.” “They want to chase us away from Buganda is what members of other communities are beginning to think.”
    Preferring anonymity, he reminds the young radicals like Kyanjo who are newcomers in politics that Baganda have an age-long tradition of being an accommodating tribe.

    Sounding a warning to old politicians like Nsambu, who is in the evening of his political life, he points out that the struggle for power should not kill that tradition. But the quest for special status is not new in Buganda. For 113 years, it has been on its agenda. It first appeared in the resistance against the colonialist let by Kabaka Mwanga in 1899. About 54 years later, Kabaka Frederick Muteesa II was exiled over resisting the East African Federation proposed by the colonial government. After independence, the special status accorded to Buganda failed to work leading to clashes between Buganda and Uganda government in 1966. Muteesa lost and found himself in exile where he later died.

    Before Independence, the 1900 agreement gave Buganda special status. For example, while the affairs of other regions and colonies were being handled by the Colonial Office in Britain, Buganda’s affairs were in the docket of the Foreign Affairs office.

    Buganda was not simply gifted this special status. It was earned by supporting Britain in colonizing Uganda, including fighting Bunyoro. But relations with Britain gradually changed when in 1905, Buganda’s affairs were transferred to the Colonial Office.

    Buganda, led by the three regents was not happy. And soon the struggle to regain the past relations with Britain and become an autonomous state started dominating the 1920s– 1940s. The protest that included boycotts and strikes culminated in the 1953 crisis, when Kabaka Muteesa II was deported.

    According to the Chief Minister of Buganda at the time, Paulo Kavuma, in his book Crisis in Buganda, the deportation of the Kabaka was a culmination of Buganda’s unsuccessful demand for more responsibilities from the British.

    The Kabaka returned two years later, after making several concessions, including one that accepted having Buganda delegates in the Legislative Council (LEGCO), which was discussing Uganda’s national independence, rather than having independence discussions unilaterally with the British. A few years later, however, agitation for more power came up again. Several committees were set up to find ways for “Buganda’s Independence under the rule of the Kabaka.”

    As the rest of the country fought for independence, Buganda also fought for her own independence. A Buganda delegation went to Britain and finally a neo-federal status was agreed upon for Buganda. On the eve of Independence Day, Buganda was given her own “Independence” by the British. For many Baganda, this was understood as giving them a state that was autonomous from Uganda.

    The independence constitution gave Buganda powers that elevated its status making it different from other Kingdoms in the country. Buganda had it own parliament (Lukiiko), indirectly elected MPs to the national parliament, judicial system and ministers. The Kabaka was entitled to a maximum of 300 armed guards. However, Obote, the Baganda’s ally, soon started going back on his promises. He concluded that Buganda had got more than she could chew. He then moved to curb some of these powers.

    But even with the enviable status, the Baganda felt that they had got byoya bya nswa (hot air), especially as far as powers of the king were concerned. For example, although the King of Buganda, Muteesa, was the President of this country, he had less authority than Milton Obote, the Prime Minister of Uganda.

    The impasse resulted into the infamous 1966 crisis, whose echoes are still stinging the country’s ears up to today. The 1966 crisis reached boiling point after elements of the Buganda Lukiiko ordered the then Obote government to “leave their soil”. Obote responded with an attack on the Lubiri, sending Muteesa to exile.

    1980-2009

    Buganda has been a pot of water, simmering away. The riots over the stopping of the Kabaka from visiting Kayunga in September were just the peak of more than two years of simmering conflict between the central government and Mengo.
    A year earlier, the Kabaka had been stopped from visiting Buruuli. In 2008, three Baganda officials were arrested and charged with sedition.

    “Tukooye okujoogebwa mu nsi yaffe,” (We are tired of being humiliated in our country) said Omutaka Nakirembeka, a fiery Buganda official, in the wake of the September riots.
    The opposition took the standoff as an opportunity to drive a wedge between the Government and Buganda. Some Buganda officials and subjects who also have links in the opposition want to benefit from the fight between the two.
    These officials, mainly dominated by Democratic Party (DP) and Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) including seasoned politicians like Joyce Ssebugwaawo, Ssebowa Kagulire, Betty Nambooze, Erias Lukwago, Husein Kyanjo, Betty Kamya and others have amalgamated well with free talking Medard Lubega and Daudi Mpanga to propel the opposition as the only remaining ‘saviour’ of the kingdom.

    In 1962 when Kabaka Yekka, a Buganda-leaning party, wanted to stop DP from taking power, it they allied with UPC. Later the alliance broke and Baganda vowed to teach UPC a lesson. The chance came in 1980 elections and subsequent war in Luweero.

    The anger of 1966 was still fresh in people’s minds. Most Baganda turned around to support DP, which they hated in 1962, in a bid to defeat Obote. DP was the most popular party in Buganda. However, the elections were rigged and their only hope of defeating Obote faded.

    When President Yoweri Museveni went to the bush, he tapped into the anti-Obote sentiments and mobilized the Baganda to take out the UPC government.
    Fighters like Haji Abdul Nadduli insist an agreement was signed to grant Buganda federo. But Museveni maintains no such agreement was signed.

    However, Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi visited Museveni in 1985, but this was long after the NRA had established themselves as a big army.

    At the end of the war, Mutebi abandoned exile and returned to be crowned as Kabaka in 1993. From then on the Government embarked on correcting past mistakes by returning confiscated properties by the Obote government. The restitution of traditional rulers was not without opposition, but Museveni managed to persuade the National Resistance Council and the army’s high command.

    Among the key things returned is the Lubiri of Mengo, and the area around it, other palaces in Banda, Kireka and Bamunanika, the Kabaka’s 350 square miles of land. Buganda also got back the buildings that formerly housed Masaka Technical Institute in which Mutesa II Royal University is now housed.

    Some of the former Saza and gombolola headquarters that were once occupied by the local governments have also been returned.

    During the making of the 1995 Constitution, the federal question was one of the most contentious. It was however defeated, largely because Buganda delegates did not mobilize well enough. A loose status, called charter was, however, put in the Constitution. And a provision for decentralization of power from the center to the districts was included.

    This was seen as the beginning of the journey to a federal arrangement. It was further improved with the regional tier where districts agree to form a regional government. Some Baganda embraced this.

    During talks between the central government and Buganda between 2002 and 2005, Katikkiro Joseph Mulwanyamuli Ssemwogerere and several other officials signed the regional tier agreement. However, it was later deemed as “unacceptable” and trashed. On second thoughts the Baganda rejected the provision of an elected Katikiro. But they are in agreement with all the others.

    The Government has now moved on implement the regional tier system, but Buganda still insists it is not right because “it is oppressive” to them.

    Who will back Buganda?
    When Buganda attempted to secede on December 31, 1960, it discovered that it lacked the political, economic and military muscle to do so. That has not changed.

    Fighting for secession is a dream, but one that is capable of causing trouble in Uganda.
    In his previously secession proposals three years ago Hussein Kyanjo, suggested the central Government vacates Buganda. Kampala, Uganda’s capital, is located in Buganda. It has grown on national taxes contributed by all Ugandans.

    Therefore, it is difficult for the central government to vacate Kampala. Instead Buganda should be proud that it hosts the seat of the Government. But according to

    Kyanjo: “Whoever has contributed to Buganda’s development can be compensated.”

    What he does not say is how the compensation can be done and where the money to compensate them will come from.

    His other proposal to rid Kampala of government is war. Historically, however, Baganda has never fought alone. They always seek support of allies against their enemies.

    In the late 1890s, they had the British. In the fight towards independence, they formed Kabaka Yekka against Ben Kiwanuka and had Obote’s support.

    Against Obote, they had Museveni in the 1980s.
    The question is who will be their partner in the war to secede?

    Published on: Saturday, 26th December, 2009

    #25757
    Balyokwabwe
    Balyokwabwe
    Participant

    I would like to recap what Mao , Kanyeihamba , Kakooza Mutale said during BUGANDA conference visa-avis Hussain Kyanjo and Ssabasajja Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi.
    Truly the nation of BUGANDA is under Tutsi occupation though the Kanyeihamba didn’t mention a word about this brutal abuse and ongoing rape of Nyaffe BUGANDA.
    She is hurting and crying out for help to stop the painful
    abuse being felt all over the BUGANDA kingdom from mawogola , Mpigi , Kyagwe to Kampala itself BAGANDA are experiencing abject poverty this Christmas that they have never seen in their history.
    In a nutshell Buganda conference was slated to find a remedy to this problem.
    However, the Kainyeihambas , Mao and Mutale are part and parcel of occupational forces of BUGANDA and I guess they
    were in a wrong place and time in the conference except M7’s disguised envoy kakooza Mutale.
    I would like to remind Kakooza Mutale and his boss that BUGANDA can and will take up arms in quest of her God given right to be free .
    This is indeed What Kyanjo told this conference in no uncertain terms that BAGANDA will take up guns to get herself out of the Tutsi bondage.
    Mutale came with M7’s message that BUGANDA has no power because we don’t have arms.
    To many BAGANDA who heard this statement were shocked to hear such gabbage because M7 and Mutale cannot convince BAGANDA that it is only them who have monopoly over the gun. It is a wishingful thinking to believe that that BAGANDA can fail to get guns because just like Mutales have guns BAGANDA can own them too in the near future.
    I ndeed many ugandans believe and I don’t understand where they get this notion that BAGANDA cannot fight or BAGANDA are cowards . This is all stupid and naive disinformation by
    BUGANDA occupiers.
    BAGANDA have fought wars since time immemorial and there is no war that has been fought on Ugandan soil and BAGANDA were not at the frontline including the bush war that brought M7 in power in Uganda and Paul kagame in Rwanda.
    We know we can fight a protracted war and defeat the enemy especially when it comes to defending our land , women , our rights ,dignity , culture and above all our Kingdom that is currently under abuse and looting.
    There are thousands of Hussein kyanjos in Buganda calling
    for a Total war of BUGANDA liberation and any one reading this article including M7 get ready ……..

    #25771
    Mugereka
    Mugereka
    Participant

    I couldn’t have written it better @balyokwabwe

    #27949
    Alex Kigongo
    Alex Kigongo
    Keymaster

    Federo
    Federo kigambo kyasibuka mu lu Latini okugenda mu Lungereza, era kitegeeza ndagaano. Endagaano kitegeeza okukkiriziganya ku ntambuza ye mirimu oba eye mbeera. Singa osaba omuntu endagaano nagamba nti tayagala, tewali makulu mu kumukaaka kumala myaaka, kisingako okugenda mu maaso nebirala. Nga 1966 tannabaawo, Obwa Kabaka bwa Buganda bwalina Federo – endagaano n’amawanga amalala. Eno bweyajjibwaawo, batono abakiraba nti kyaali kibi okumenya amateeka. Olwobunafu bwomuntu, ebiragiro bya Katonda bwebilema omuntu okugoberera, amateeka gegayamba abagala okutambulira awamu. Byombi nga byalema, okuddamu okukola Federo abeera sengaveemungaddemu.

    Waliwo ne ndowooza endala egamba nti amawanga amalala tegaagala Federo kubanga ggo gagilina. Mu bitundu byaabwe, bbo bebeddukanyiza ebyaalo, emiruka, amagombolola, namasaza. Mu buganda buli kafo konna akobukulembeze kalimu mugwiira. Gyooba nti abaganda tebasoboila kwekulembera ku ttaka lyaabwe.

    Waliwo nabasaba nokwegayirira gavumenti ya Uganda mbu ewe Buganda Federo. Endagaano Buganda ebeera erina kugikola namawanga amalala, olwo nebalyooka bakola gavumenti eya wakati. Sso ssi omwaana bwaana, okubeera nga yafumbiza kitaawe ne nyina. Mu Buganda kizira .

    Ekiteeso kyokukuba akalulu ku Federo tekyalowoozebwaako bulungi. Obunyweevu bwomusingi tebukubibwaako kalulu. Amawanga mu Uganda ga njawulo. Abaagala Federo baali banoonya ngeri yakugagattamu. Ekyokwegatta tekibeera ky akukaka, kisinziira ku kweyagalira kwa buli ggwanga, nolweekyo tekikubibwaako bululu. Okwegatta nga kuwedde, awo newaabawo ensonga eza wamu ezikubibwaako obululu. Kubanga ekigambo kalulu kikubibwa ku bantu abalina entegeragana nga yeemu.

    Waliwo aba mawanga agamu Abagamba nti Buganda eyagala kubagoba kyeeva esaba federo. Okukwaata Buganda olwa kabi kyekiremesezza Uganda okubeera ne mirembe. Era tegenda kugifuna nga esubirira ku kukozesa amawanga ebintu ebyokukaka. Waliwo nabagamba nti baava dda nga amawanga amalala gasize sente zaago mu Buganda. Okwo kulimba nakwagala kubba, lwaaki tewaali akyaana luli nga Buganda efuna Federo yaayo? Nga ekyo tekinnabawo noluvanyuma Buganda bulijjo erabula nti buli omu akolere ewuwe, abatawulira mutawaana gwaani?

    Buganda kyeyetaaga kati kwekwetongola, Obwetwaaze ne ddembe lyaayo.
    Ssaabasajja awangale alamulenga Obuganda nga buli ntende.

    Bivudde mu kiwandiiko kya Olukiiko Lwa Bazzukulu Ba Buganda International

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