Home Forums Meeting Greeting & News Reports Baliranwa / Neighbours UGANDA MONITOR’S YOGA ADHOLA IS BRAIN DEAD

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    Summary: While the Mengo establishment has been telling its story, there is another side of this story. It is the Uganda Peoples Congress story which I would like to tell. As they used to teach us in secondary school, there are always the long term causes and the immediate causes of any historic event. The long term cause of the attack lies way back in history, writes Yoga Adhola.

    A grown man basing his writing on the history he was taught in secondary school during a dictatorial reign supported by a foreign neocolonilaist power? Now this is even worse than brain dead!

    He writes,“Buganda had separatist tendencies”… separating from what/who? These primitive tribesmen with a serious slave mentality are parasitic behaviour should learn to have some shame! Uganda is 50 years old, was and is a property of the English/British. What he calls separatist is infact a struggle for freedom – for Buganda to be a sovereign nation like God created it! If Adhola hates his tribe or whatever, it’s between him and his God.

    Daily Monitor is really going down the drain, publishing the most retarded articles imaginable.


    Media bias is the bias of journalists and news producers within the mass media in the selection of events and stories that are reported and how they are covered. The term “media bias” implies a pervasive or widespread bias contravening the standards of journalism, rather than the perspective of an individual journalist or article. The direction and degree of media bias in various countries is widely disputed.

    Practical limitations to media neutrality include the inability of journalists to report all available stories and facts, and the requirement that selected facts be linked into a coherent narrative. Because it is impossible to report everything, selectivity is inevitable. Government influence, including overt and covert censorship, biases the media in some countries, for example Uganda. Market forces that result in a biased presentation include the ownership of the news source, concentration of media ownership, the selection of staff, the preferences of an intended audience, and pressure from advertisers.

    There are a number of national and international watchdog groups that report on bias in the media.
    Uganda Monitor is a Northerner and Indian newspaper, with very strong anti-Buganda sentiments. So there is no surprise there. Just ignore their psychotic publications, soon enough it will be another Uganda Argus.


    Musajjalumbwa , ne Mulongo mwebale kukonera ddala ku nsolobotto, mujjukire nti luli nga Monitor yali tewandiika ku Buganda naye yagenda okulaba nga abaganda bebasinga okusoma amawulire ate nga bettanira mawulire malala era okutandika okuwandiika ennyo nga bamaze okwookya Amasiro gaffe naye nga okuviira ddala kuntandika abagwiira baali tebagalira ddala kuwandiika bintu birungi ku buganda . Naye era amateeka ge nsi yonna tegakkiriza bagwiira kubawandikira mawulire gaabwe , singa okigenderera efujjo abayindi lyebakola tebaliwandikako oba bwebesanga ngomuntu waabwe akwatibbwa mu njaga oba mubukumpanya obulala ekirungi teri nsi essibwaako musango nga yekoledde ebyaayo oba oku boycotting- aabagwiira abateeyisa nga mateeka ga nsi yonna bwegalagira , mujjukire buli lwebakwaata omuyindi nga liko ekinenen kyakoze ngo kubba ettaka lya bantu ngoolwo badduka mu maweulire gaabwe nti omuyindi gundi agenda kutwaala abaana abajjanjabe musobole okukivaako naye esaawa etuuka nebakugamba nti ebiyisa byo tubikooye bizeeyo ewammwe ate tebereza ewaabwe tebakkirizaayo muganda yenna wadde okutundirayo kabalagala ku kkubo naye bwebajja munsi zabanaabwe nebegatta nabafuzi abatulugunya banansi


    Ekisinga okusaaliza ewabwe Adhola ne aditor wa Monitor bebasingayo obugezi. Twakoowa agalulu agasiru. Kati ani ayagala okutandika okusomesa?

    By Yoga Adhola – the zombie strikes again
    This matter of wrong troops was reported to Mutesa that same day: “The Uganda army is bad; it supports Obote. If you want to bring changes, you may need to try other armies.”

    Following this advice, Mutesa the following day (February 9) called two people: the British High Commissioner and the Chief Justice, Sir Udo Udoma (a Nigerian). He requested the British High Commissioner for military aid and the Chief Justice for advice on how to fire the Prime Minister, Apolo Milton Obote.

    As ceremonial president, Mutesa had no powers to do these things. About the approach to the British, Professor T.V. Sathyamurthy, the author of the encyclopedic book, “The Political development in Uganda,” had this observation to make: “But the Kabaka’s approach to foreign emissaries was born more out of foolishness than craft. For, it was the strongest card in Obote’s possession when it came to delivering the final blow.”

    In an attempt to vitiate the seriousness of this request for foreign troops, on March 4, 1966, the Private Secretary to Mutesa issued a statement in which he contended that the request was precautionary. To this Obote responded:

    “I have noted that it is now being explained that these were precautionary requests. The fact remains that there was no provision whatsoever in the Constitution for the President to make such requests. An attempt was made to justify this serious matter by allegations made in Parliament on February 4 that there were troops being trained in secret with a view to overthrow the Constitution.

    Mutesa places order for arms
    In addition to this, the reader should also remember that in December 1965, Mutesa placed orders for heavy weapons with a Kampala firm, Gaeily and Roberts. On this Obote was later to write in his pamphlet, “Myths and Realities — A Letter to a London Friend,”:

    “We have letters from a British firm which show that the firm was not happy with the orders on the grounds that the weapons ordered were too heavy for an individual and that the firm had always dealt with governments only. One of the letters from the Kampala firm states that President Mutesa had placed the orders on behalf of the Uganda Army and that, although the Kabaka’s Government was to pay for the arms, that only meant that the President, in his capacity as the Kabaka, was to have the first trial of arms before handing them over to the army.”
    When a police officer went on routine briefing to Mutesa on February 21, Mutesa asked him whether he knew that something was to happen on February 22. When the police officer answered that he didn’t know, Mutesa told him not to worry because it was one of those Kampala rumours. However, immediately after the visit, the police officer briefed Obote about the mysterious question. To Obote this was further confirmation that the coup was to take place on that date.
    Two days after the detention of the five ministers, Obote called a press conference on February 24 at about 7.00 pm and announced he had suspended the Constitution of Uganda. “Recently attempts were made to overthrow my government,” he explained, “by use of foreign troops, by persons who hold high posts by virtue of the Constitution. These requests were illegal but continue to be made. To safeguard our sovereignty we must take counter measures: suspending the Constitution and hence the posts of President and Vice President.
    Mutesa, as Kabaka of Buganda, issued an ultimatum for the Central Government to vacate the soil of Buganda before May 30, 1966. Although he later said this was a mere bargaining chip, both his friends and foes interpreted the ultimatum to mean de facto secession of Buganda from the rest of Uganda.
    As a response to the ultimatum, Obote, as head of the Government of Uganda, declared a state of emergency throughout Uganda. Subsequently, on June 1, in a move which treated the ultimatum as an act of rebellion, Obote ordered units of the Uganda Army to march on the Kabaka’s palace at Mengo. It had been reported that the Kabaka had amassed arms in the palace in readiness for war, and the troops were to search the palace.
    As the troops approached the palace, they were fired at. A battle ensued. Professor Mutibwa tells us the battle was stiff: “Although Mutesa, assisted by his lieutenants equipped with Lee-Enfieled riffles put up a stiff resistance and Amin forces were obliged to call in large contingent of reinforcements, it was not to be expected that Mengo could hold out for long against the Uganda army.”
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    Eventually, after 12 hours of fierce fighting, the Uganda Army established control. The Kabaka had escaped from the palace.


    Ekisinga okuleeta omutawaana buli avudde ebule ne bweeya mukifo kyokusooka okunonyereza kubikwaata mukitundu kye nabiwandikira abewaabwe nabato ne bayiga , bajja wano mu Buganda nebefuula ba kafulu mukumanya ebyfaayo byaayo kyoova olaba nti buli nsi tekkirza bagwiira kubawandikira mawulire wadde ebitabo ebikwaata kunsi yaabwe nga siwaayo era tulina ebitabo bingi ebyabuganda okuviiradda agent wa bazungu obote byebakwaata nebayokya neberabira nti abaganda basomesebwanga ebibakwatako okuva mumaka gaabwe , kati bwosaako ono kawenkene aliko kati m7 nalowooza nti bwanayokya buli kya buganda kyonna nga byonna bifuuka byabanyamulenge ojkwo kwerimba ekiseera kijja kutuuka banyi byo babyeddize kubanga Mukama teyakola nsobi buli omu okumuwa ekikye.
    Kyoova olaba nga ebifo byaffe ebyobuwangwa yonna babyokezza nebazimbawo obuyumba ngo
    bwa barracks

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